The Kafkaesque Reality of Black Migration in Tunisia

By: Assme Ben Akil

Assme Ben Akil holds a Bachelor's degree in Economics and is currently studying "Languages and Cultures of the Islamic World" at the University of Cologne. Her academic interests focus on the MENA region and on the critical examination of Eurocentric structures that continue to cause harm.

Trigger Warning : This blog post discusses racism, sexual violence, and other forms of violence. Please continue reading only if you feel emotionally safe to do so or seek supportive company if needed.

At the same time, these realities persist whether we choose to look at them or not. Especially from within the context of Europe’s safety, and in the light of its historical responsibilities, I am convinced that we carry a shared duty to listen and to become active.

The Speech that sparked the fire

During the DiaMiGo Summer School in a workshop with Nine Fumiko Yamamoto-Masson, we talked about the term “Kafkaesque.“ It describes moments when reality tips into the absurd, when logic no longer applies and you find yourself stuck in a situation that feels both nightmarish and strangely normal.

One Kafkaesque moment that immediately came to my mind during this workshop was the racist and self-contradictory speech given by Tunisian President Kais Saïd on 21 February 2023, in front of the National Security Council. In that speech, he claimed that “hordes of irregular migrants from sub-Saharan Africa” had come to Tunisia, “bringing with them violence, crime and unacceptable practices.”

He described the situation as “unnatural” and alleged that there was a criminal plan “to change Tunisia’s demographic composition” and to turn the country into “just another African state that no longer belongs to the Arab and Islamic nations.” This kind of racist rhetoric is also used by far-right parties like the Tunisian Nationalist Party, who not only speak of a so-called “demographic threat,” but also claim that Islam is being displaced by Christian migration and the construction of churches.

The idea that migration from sub-Saharan Africa is changing Tunisia’s demographic makeup and “Africanizing” the country completely ignores Tunisia’s geographic location and, the existence of Black Tunisians and is steeped in absurdity and, above all, in racism.

This speech led to a violent and protest-filled spring and summer in 2023. The racist attacks didn’t just come from individuals. They were also enabled and perpetuated by state structures and institutions.

The Kafkaesque Reality of Black Migration in Tunisia

Another report by the Economic Research Forum indicates that internal migration, in contrast, is seldom driven by educational reasons. Instead, Egyptian women primarily relocate to be with family and for marriage, and men relocate particularly for employment reasons. Despite education not being the primary motive for internal migration, it can, however, still impact educational opportunities for Egyptian children. Internal migration patterns in Egypt predominantly involve movement from rural to urban areas. The demographic most involved are adults. Notably, the children of individuals involved in rural-to-urban migration exhibit prolonged school attendance and a higher likelihood of completing secondary or advanced education compared to the children of those who stay in rural areas.

Historical Dimension: Colonialism and Racism

Anti-Black racism in North Africa is anything but new. It is deeply rooted, historically produced and structurally embedded. Colonial powers helped to create a “racialized cartography” that symbolically positioned North Africa as white, European and “civilized,“ while Blackness was associated with the “other Africa,” with “foreignness“ and “enslavement,“ despite the fact that countries like Tunisia are geographically and historically part of the African continent.

These were not just territorial borders; they became mental and social boundaries. Blackness came to mean “slave,” “non-belonging,” “inferior.” This logic was reinforced by the trans-Saharan and trans-Atlantic slave trades and it still shapes how Black people are policed, excluded, and dehumanized today.

This legacy continues. Within that racial logic, Tunisia was “whitened,” and Black people were written out of its history. Instead of being seen as part of the nation, Black Tunisians are often treated as guests, as intruders or even as a threat. This racism is not simply a social problem. It is the product of colonial history, and it remains politically active today.

In the following, I use the term Black Migration to refer to migration originating from the sub-Saharan region, meaning all areas south of the Sahara, including Sudan. Employing this term allows for a clear distinction between different migratory groups. It is important because it highlights the specific forms of privilege, marginalization, and oppression experienced by migrants from sub-Saharan Africa, particularly in contrast to European migration or migration originating from North Africa.

Attacks and Protests in 2023

Throughout the spring and summer of 2023, numerous videos circulated on social media documenting racially motivated attacks on Black migrants and Black Tunisians. Reports described assaults such as physical attacks in the streets, attempted lynchings, racist insults and targeted police raids on shops run by Black migrants. Victims were often brutally beaten, sometimes with sticks, stones or metal rods.

In early spring 2023, Amnesty International interviewed 20 people in Tunis, including five asylum seekers and 15 undocumented migrants. One of them was Djomo, 30 at the time, a construction worker from Côte d’Ivoire:

“They were armed with batons, some forced two of my flatmates out and beat them until they fell on the floor. Others started destroying everything in the house, they took the money and phones of some of us. The National Guard came 30 minutes later, they didn’t arrest the assailants, but instead handcuffed us and took us to their headquarters.”

The next day, all 25 detainees, including a pregnant woman, were brought before the court but released that same afternoon. The landlord did not allow them to return and Djomo was living on the streets at the time of the interview.

These attacks highlight the dangerous situation faced by Black migrants in Tunisia, who are threatened not only by state repression but also by racist violence from the general population.

Protests, self-organization and repression

Just four days after the speech, on February 25, 2023, hundreds of people protested in Tunis, led by the “Front antifasciste,” under the slogan “Nous sommes tous Africains” (We are all Africans).

In the past, there have been repeated self-organized protests by migrants, such as in 2022 in front of the UNHCR office in Zarzis or in March 2023 during a sit-in by around 200 people demanding humanitarian evacuation and rights.

At the same time, support structures are criminalized: in Tunisia, helping “illegal” migrants is a criminal offense:

Art. 39 of Law No. 6 of 2004: Anyone who assists or harbors persons entering or leaving the country illegally may be punished with up to four years` imprisonment and a fine.
Art. 25 of Law No. 1968-7: Assistance with entry, exit, or residence without authorization is punishable by up to one year's imprisonment.

Repression against activists, migrant-rights defenders and civil society organizations in Tunisia has sharply intensified since early May 2024. This escalation followed the 2 May 2024 ministerial meeting in Rome between Italy, Tunisia, Libya and Algeria on migration control, and President Kais Saïd’s speech on 6 May 2024 before the National Security Council, in which he labelled NGOs and human-rights organizations as “traitors.”He denounced criticism of the state as treason, signalling the start of a broad campaign against civil society and refugee-support structures.

Between 3 and 13 May 2024, at least eight NGOs were targeted by security forces, including Mnemty, the Tunisian Refugee Council (CTR), and Terre d’Asile Tunisie. Several prominent human-rights defenders were arbitrarily arrested, among them Mnemty founder Saadia Mosbah, the human-rights lawyer and media commentator Sonia Dahmani, and CTR staff members Mustapha Djemali and Abderrazek Krimi.

In recent developments on 27 November 2025, Sonia Dahmani was released on conditional terms, following national and international pressure. Djemali und Krimi were also released after having served the required time, though they were simultaneously suspended from their humanitarian work. Mosbah and many others, however remain in detention and are still awaiting their trial.

The releases took place just one month after a new wave of media repression. On 31 October 2025, after a series of harassment incidents and investigations, authorities imposed a one-month suspension of the critical media platform Nawaat. Other major organizations, such as the Tunisian Association of Democratic Women (ATFD) and the Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights (FTDES), also faced suspension, intimidation, or administrative attacks.

These developments demonstrate that the repression launched in May 2024 has continued and expanded, reaching media houses and feminist and rights-based organizations throughout 2025.

Although the crackdown has heavily affected activists and NGOs, refugees have suffered the most severe consequences:

On 3 May 2024, hundreds of refugees, including pregnant women and children, registered with the UNHCR were violently expelled from the area outside the IOM and UNHCR offices in Tunis using tear gas and tasers.
On 6 May 2024, 400 refugees were unlawfully removed and pushed toward the Libyan border, without due process, legal assistance, or access to asylum procedures.

These expulsions, occurring outside any judicial framework, expose refugees to extreme danger, despite their internationally recognized right to protection.

Trapped in Tunisia: the legal obstacles for migrants

Tunisia still lacks a full legal asylum system. As long as no national asylum law exits, the UNHCR remains the only institution authorized to conduct refugee-status determination. In practice, its role is limited to registering asylum-seekers, issuing temporary documents with no legal effect, and maintaining a minimal presence as the de facto asylum agency.

UNHCR is expected to promote the development of a national asylum law, yet no meaningful progress has been made, and refugees remain in a legal vacuum where their rights are neither protected nor enforced.

The shortcomings of UNHCR’s work in Tunisia and across North Africa have become increasingly visible, especially since the publication of Book of Shame: How UNHCR Fails to Protect Refugees in Libya, Tunisia and Niger (Vol. 1, 2025). The book was published by refugee-led groups, including Refugees in Libya and refugee collectives in Tunisia and Niger, and compiles hundreds of testimonies describing systematic neglect, violence by security forces and civilians, abuse and torture in camps, and arbitrary deportations.

UNHCR’s dependence on governments that prioritize border control over human rights severely limits its actions. Instead of resisting harmful policies, it often adapts to them. Refugees also report racialized and discriminatory treatment within UNHCR structures. Most critically, UNHCR-issued documents are not recognized by Tunisian authorities and therefore offer no protection against arrest, detention or deportation. During violent evictions, raids, or protests, UNHCR is frequently absent.

Parallel to this instructional vacuum, the Tunisian legal system provides for numerous penalties against migrants:

Art. 24: Three years` imprisonment for persons who re-enter the country despite being deported
Art. 23: One to twelve months` imprisonment for persons without valid travel documents.

For those who manage to enter Tunisia despite numerous obstacles, another problem arises: life without papers. Many undocumented people in Tunisia live in constant uncertainty. They are not allowed to work legally and have no way of regularizing their stay. As a result, they are forced to engage in undeclared work, often under exploitative conditions, without wage security or protection. At the same time, they cannot leave the country on their own because they lack the necessary documents and means and they can be arrested and deported at any time.

In regions such as Sfax, Jbeniana, and El Amra, many of them now live in informal camps, mostly in olive groves or on fallow land, often without infrastructure. These places are not official camps, but rather an expression of state displacement. Those who live there are largely left to fend for themselves, without reliable access to water, medical care, or protection from violence. The conditions are extreme, especially for women: many report sexual assaults, particularly in contexts where there is a lack of protection.

Numerous reports document that many of them have already experienced the same situation in Libya or Algeria. There, they were not only deported, but also arbitrarily detained, tortured, or simply abandoned in the desert without water, food, or orientation.

This does not only affect individuals: human rights organizations have repeatedly documented systematic desert abandonment, severe abuse and sexual violence, especially in Libyan prisons and on the Algerian-Niger border.

The story of Fati and Marie

Among the numerous reports of abuse by security forces, one case particularly highlights the brutality of desert abandonment. The image of Fati Dosso and her six-year-old daughter Marie, found dead at the border between Tunisia and Libya, briefly made its way through international media. Like many others, Fati had fled the Ivory Coast and was seeking protection, but instead of safety, they found death in the desert after being abandoned.

The family`s story led to protests. For example, artist Maître Gims canceled a concert in Djerba in August 2023 in solidarity with migrant communities. The image also attracted attention on social media. However, there has been little political debate on the issue. Europe is preoccupied with its own affairs, particularly the war in Ukraine. The willingness shown in 2015 to seriously take in those seeking protection has also been waning since then.

The European guilt

Already in 2014, the EU and Tunisia signed a Mobility Partnership aimed at fostering “legal migration,” visa facilitation and stronger cooperation on border management and asylum. Though framed in terms of mutual development and mobility, the agreement also included provisions for readmission of “irregular“ migrants, border security and the tightening of identity controls. At the time, this partnership was celebrated as progressive and balanced. However, it laid the institutional groundwork for a shift toward externalizing EU border enforcement to North African states.

In July 2023, the EU signed a migration agreement with Tunisia, initiated primarily by “Team Europe,” consisting of Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte. The aim of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) was to “jointly control” migration. The EU provided immediate “aid“ of around €105 million. A large part of these funds went to the security apparatus. Protective measures or integration projects played hardly any role.

It is no coincidence that Tunisia is described as a semi-authoritarian system with deep-rooted corruption. In the south of the country in particular, security authorities benefit directly from human trafficking. Former police officers and border guards report that illegal pushbacks and cooperation with smugglers are deliberately tolerated.

In return, Tunisia receives further financial aid, totaling up to €900 million, linked to economic policy requirements set by the International Monetary Fund (IMF). This is because the country is heavily indebted, economically unstable and dependent on external financing. The German federal government under CDU leader Friedrich Merz expressly supports this course, not despite but because of the restrictive migration policy of Meloni and other conservative forces in Europe.

President Kais Saïd has been gradually undermining Tunisian democracy since 2021. First, he suspended parliament in response to the Covid-19 crisis, then he dismissed the government. Since then, he has been ruling by decree.

The result: EU funds are flowing into a repressive and racist system without effective oversight. Migrants live under constant pressure, trapped in administrative dead ends, threatened by human traffickers, police violence, or arbitrary deportation. Instead of protection or prospects, they experience surveillance, exploitation and systematic dehumanization.

Self-organization in the midst of crisis

Despite all these difficult conditions, self-organized groups have been formed in recent years to stand up for their rights. One example is “Refugees in Tunisia,“ inspired by the “Refugees in Libya“ initiative founded by David Yambio. Through social media, spontaneous protests, and solidarity networks, they try to draw attention to their situation and support each other.

Between February and June 2023, several peaceful protests took place in Tunis. The groups demanded humane accommodation, protection from violence and fair asylum procedures. But instead of being heard, the protesters were met with repression. Many of the protesters were forced to return to places where they had previously experienced violence.

Many of them there have already passed through places such as Libya or Algeria, where they also experienced precarious conditions, often marked by violence, exploitation, or torture. Their experiences are similar, and often interconnected.

And what remains?

The DiaMiGo Summer School was an important reminder for me of how closely global inequalities are linked and how migration policies are often made at the expense of those who have the least influence. Particularly restrictive measures regularly affect the most vulnerable: people who seek protection not because they “want” to, but because they have no other choice.

This is currently particularly evident in the example of Sudan: the war that has been raging since April 2023 has forced millions to flee. The recent escalation following the fall of El Fasher has intensified the humanitarian situation even further, driving tens of thousands of people into displacement. Some of them end up in Tunisia after dangerous journeys, where they face the same precarious conditions, legal invisibility and structural exclusion.

People from Sudan now account for 50.68% of all registered refugees and asylum seekers in Tunisia (as of 30 September 2025). Of course, this figure is based on UNHCR registrations and therefore only reflects those who are willing to risk being registered. The real number is likely significantly higher. Their need for protection is particularly high, but their reception and care remain inadequate.

Tunisia has recently returned to international headlines through widespread mobilization and national solidarity with Palestine, for example with the Global Sumud Flotilla, launched in September 2025 from Tunisia. The autumn and early winter of 2025 were also marked by protests in Gabès over industrial pollution and the negligence of Saïd`s government.

Despite visible moments of political mobilization in Tunisia, a deadly silence persists among many political organizations, media actors, and even protest movements when it comes to the situation of Black migrants and Black Tunisians. This silence is shaped by multiple, overlapping forces: fear of political repression, internalized racism, class hierarchies, and the tendency to direct frustration downwards rather than towards the structures of power. The reasons may vary, but the consequences remain the same.

Every year, thousands of people die in the Mediterranean or in the Sahara, driven by the hope for a livable future - a hope that is violently crushed through pushbacks, abuse, extortion, and the brutality that marks migration routes across North Africa. This silence, whether rooted in fear or prejudice, ultimately enables a system in which human beings continue to die or be abused with impunity.

What remains is the responsibility towards those who suffer the consequences of migration policies shaped by the racist demands of right-wing nationalists and states that divide people into categories: useful or disposable, deserving or undeserving. These dynamics are not limited to the national level. The influence of the far right is already shaping policy on the EU level. The situation is urgent, and without intervention, the conditions for those affected will continue to worsen.

Author’s Bio:

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