Content / Trigger Warning: This interview contains references to violence, political repression, depression, drug use, and suicidal thoughts.
Note on anonymity: The name of the interviewee has been changed for publication.
Note on Language: This interview was originally conducted in English and has been slightly modified for clarity.
Waiting is a condition that defines the lives of countless refugees and migrants, yet it remains largely invisible in public discourse. For Palestinians in particular, the experience of waiting has become even more unbearable as news of war and destruction in Gaza reaches them from afar. Between headlines from Gaza, daily life in Europe, and the longing for safety, weeks, months and sometimes even years pass in uncertainty.
“I want to live a normal life. In Palestine, I was stripped of basic human rights. Even a little bit of rights here is more than what we get there.”

Hadi, 26, sits in a small Paris apartment he shares with two friends. He came from al-Bireh in the West Bank and has been in France for close to a year. Like many in his situation, Hadi is “undocumented”: he has no official legal status in France, no right to work, and is excluded from most forms of support and protection. His story is just one of thousands and a striking example of an experience rarely told: how migration can mean not movement or arrival, but endless waiting.
Maybe you could start by telling me how old you are, where you were born, and what place do you consider home?
Can you tell me a bit more about your journey to Paris?
So right now, you're not registered and without a work or residence permit in Paris, right?
If you don't mind, tell me more about your daily life in the West Bank while you were still living there.
Is there anything that you really miss about your life there?
Was there a specific moment when you knew, “I have to leave now, I can't stand it anymore”?
Why were they looking for you?
How was your experience during your first weeks when you arrived in Paris?
Is there a reason why you’re not allowed to apply for asylum in Paris?
And are you documented in Spain, or would you still be undocumented there?
Where do you live right now?
How do you spend your days at the moment?
That must be a relief, right?
Do you feel like he’s using you?
How do you cope with the long waiting period? What does it do to you emotionally or psychologically?
So you’re isolating yourself?
Do you feel invisible or excluded from life around you because you don’t have the same opportunities?
Are you scared of getting caught by police in daily life?
Have you experienced other racism in Paris?
Are there people in Paris who support you, besides your friends? Any communities or aid organizations?
Do you know other Palestinians in Paris?
Do you feel mostly alone, or do you know other undocumented people?
Do you keep in touch with your friends and family back home in Palestine?
What do you mean, you don’t feel for it?
Maybe some guilt?
How’s the situation in Ramallah right now?
How does that make you feel?
What do you hope for most in the near future?
Do Taxes stand for being “part of society” for you?
Is there anything you want to address about French society and politics?
How do the recent escalations in Gaza affect you personally, emotionally, and in your daily life?
How does the situation in Gaza influence your own hopes and fears for the future?
What does solidarity with Gaza mean to you as a Palestinian in Europe?
How does the Palestinian community in Paris respond to what is happening in Gaza?
So how are you feeling mentally in general?
Hadi’s account becomes more comprehensible when situated within the broader legal and psychosocial structures that shape the lives of displaced Palestinians in Europe.
Estimates suggest that several hundred thousand people live without legal residency status in France. In Paris alone, tens of thousands are believed to live in conditions similar to those in which Hadi lives (Infomigrants 2023). Of the approximately 147,950 registered asylum applications in France by the end of 2024, only 64% (approx. 90,329 people) had access to accommodation and material assistance (AIDA 2024a). The average duration of an appeal at the CNDA (National Court of Asylum) in the same year was 5 months and 9 days, and even 5 months and 23 days for regular procedures (AIDA 2024b) These are periods during which many asylum seekers remain without legal protection or income.
For Palestinians from the West Bank and Gaza, these insecurities compound pre-existing structural precarity rooted in military occupation, recurring escalations of violence, and restrictions on mobility and civil rights. This instability continues within the European asylum system, where Palestinians are not uniformly recognized as a distinct refugee group, and their legal outcomes vary widely across countries.
According to Eurostat, only 2.1% (9,105 Persons) of all positive asylum decisions in the EU in 2024 were granted to Palestinians, illustrating their comparatively marginal representation within the system (Eurostat 2025). Within the EU’s asylum architecture, the Dublin Regulation plays a decisive role. By binding an asylum application to the first country of entry, it reproduces the situation already described by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe in 1985 as that of “refugees in orbit”, a dynamic later analysed in depth by multiple migration scholars such as Laura Schuster (2011).
In 2023, EU Member States issued 186,910 outgoing Dublin requests to transfer responsibility for examining an asylum application, while only 16,869 outgoing transfers were effectively implemented across the Union. This gap highlights how many people, like Hadi, remain in prolonged procedural stasis, legally vulnerable while practically immobilized.
A comprehensive meta-analysis published in JAMA in 2009 examined 181 studies of conflict affected populations and identified prevalence rates of 30.6% for PTSD and 30.8% for depression, underscoring the scale of mental health difficulties among displaced groups. Building on this evidence, a group of researchers from the School of Psychology at the University of New South Wales emphasizes that these elevated risks remain significant across different stages of displacement, demonstrating that the psychological burden is not limited to pre-migration trauma but persists over time (Li et al 2016).
Additionally, studies across Europe have shown that post-migration stressors, including insecure legal status, unstable housing, social isolation, and discrimination often function as stronger predictors of psychological distress than pre-migration trauma. Hadi’s descriptions of emotional withdrawal, anxiety, and cannabis use align closely with findings from qualitative research on substance use among refugees. A recent systematic review demonstrates that refugees exhibit a heightened susceptibility to substance use, shaped by post-migration stress, limited access to mental health care, cultural and legal differences regarding substances, and the widespread availability of alcohol and other drugs in host societies. Moreover, stigma, fear of legal consequences, and restricted access to treatment frequently exacerbate substance use and hinder refugees from seeking professional support (Saleh et al. 2022).
Viewed together, these legal and psychological dimensions reveal that Hadi’s story illustrates a broader structural pattern in which administrative uncertainty and psychosocial strain intersect. Waiting, bureaucratically enforced and temporally indefinite, emerges as a central mode through which undocumented Palestinians in Europe are compelled to inhabit their lives.
1: Clarification: “they” refers here to Palestinian security forces.
Sarah Fatemeh Kremer is a BA student in Languages and Cultures of the Islamic World at the University of Cologne. She has experience in refugee education, humanitarian logistics, and cultural work in Iran, Turkey, and Palestine.
AIDA 2024a, Asylum Information Database Country Report: France. https://asylumineurope.org/reports/country/france
AIDA 2024b. Asylum Procedure – Appeal, average duration at CNDA. https://asylumineurope.org/reports/country/france/asylum-procedure/procedures/regular-procedure
Eurostat. (2025, April 11). Asylum decisions – annual statistics. European Commission. https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php?title=Asylum_decisions_-_annual_statistics
Infomigrants (2023): France: New government measures to regularize undocumented migrants. https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/62689
Li, Susan & Liddell, Belinda & Nickerson, Angela. (2016). The Relationship Between Post-Migration Stress and Psychological Disorders in Refugees and Asylum Seekers. Current Psychiatry Reports.
Saleh, E., Lazaridou, F., Klapprott, F., Wazaify, M., Heinz, A., & Kluge, U. (2022). A systematic review of qualitative research on substance use among refugees. Addiction, 118.
Schuster, Laura (2011): “Turning refugees into ‘illegal migrants’: Afghan asylum seekers in Europe.” Journal of Refugee Studies 24(3): 399–416 (quoting the Council of Europe 1985, Recommendation 1021 on the Protection of Asylum-Seekers in Situations of Large-Scale Influx, see p. 404.)







